William Acosta (NYPD) (R) and Jesús Daniel Romero (US NAVY) (R) for Poder & Dinero and FinGurú
The Guayana Train has emerged as the dominant force in the clandestine realm of Venezuela's illegal mining industry. It is alleged that the Guayana Train enjoys the support of President Nicolás Maduro's administration to eliminate rivals and reinforce its control over the lucrative Bolívar state. The gang originated in 2007 as a street faction in the Vista al Sol neighborhood of San Félix and has undergone a dramatic transformation, establishing supremacy in El Callao, a mining town known for its rich gold deposits. This evolution has not been without challenges; for two years, the Guayana Train engaged in fierce battles with the Peruvian Syndicate, also known as the Toto and Zacarías gang, which dominated the area from 2010 to 2022. Once again, this is evidence of Maduro's regime in Venezuela's relationship with criminal organizations. This relationship pertains to illegal gold mining operations in Venezuela and how this industry benefits a select few within the regime's elite.
The red flag indicates the location of El Callao
Research from the think tank InSight Crime indicates that the rise of the Guayana Train has been facilitated by strategic alliances with local security forces and Maduro's regime, allowing the gang to achieve undisputed authority in El Callao (InSight Crime, 2023). The community has endured extreme violence during the gang's rise, culminating in massacres and public threats that have made headlines for years. The 12-year reign of the Peruvian Syndicate was characterized by deep roots in the local community, fostering a level of support that the newer gang had to overcome.
It is common knowledge that Venezuela has long had a problem with illegal gold mining that dates back nearly 200 years. The Venezuelan army and National Guard have been directly involved in identifying illegal gold mining operations run by Colombians and Brazilians. In fact, garimpeiros have existed for decades, a term coined to refer to small-scale miners' operations dating back to the 1800s. Venezuelan military operations were swift and efficient in eliminating many of these illegal operations. However, over time, military personnel were bribed, and many actually provided security and later took ownership of illegal mining sites.
In 2017, Maduro's regime initiated security operations against the Peruvian Syndicate, which had refused to align with the regime's interests. This crackdown met fierce resistance from the Syndicate, which even published videos condemning the state's actions (Teixeira, 2024). Capitalizing on the weakening of its rival, the Guayana Train exploited the chaos between 2014 and 2019, leading to a surge in violence that earned El Callao the notorious title of the most dangerous city in Venezuela, with a staggering homicide rate of 620 per 100,000 residents.
In 2021, the R Organization sought to reclaim its stake in El Callao, reigniting its rivalry with the Guayana Train. A temporary truce was achieved with the assistance of the Venezuelan Mining Corporation (CVM), adding another layer of complexity to the criminal landscape in the region. By late 2022, the Peruvian Syndicate suffered devastating losses, including the capture of its key leaders, Eleomar Vargas Vargas (alias "Zacarías") and Alejandro Rafael Ochoa Sequea (alias "Toto"), effectively leading to their expulsion from El Callao.
Eleomar Vargas Vargas alias Zacarías
With the exit of the Peruvian Syndicate, many miners in El Callao have reported a noticeable decrease in violence. One miner shared, "The group that used to have control here was very dangerous. Whoever didn't pay was killed" (Teixeira, 2024). This change has been attributed to the governance of the Guayana Train, which allegedly operates in collaboration with the Venezuelan Mining Corporation (CVM). However, the gang demands "taxes" or extortion fees from workers to allow their operations, with some miners suggesting that part of this revenue likely reaches government officials. Although allegations of collusion between the Guayana Train and state forces exist, concrete evidence to support these claims remains elusive.
Under the current leadership of Rony Jackson Colome Cruz, known as Rony Matón (Rony "The Killer"), the Guayana Train has consolidated its power. Following the deaths of former leaders Gordo Bayón and Phanor Vladimir Sanclemente Ojeda (alias Captain), Rony Matón has risen to prominence, orchestrating operations that extend beyond El Callao into other strategic areas like Guasipati. Despite local airports being inactive, these areas serve as clandestine landing strips for gold shipments, further expanding the gang's reach.
Phanor Vladimir Sanclemente Ojeda
The Guayana Train is believed to be composed of several hundred members organized in a structured hierarchy, allowing it to maintain a significant presence in the region. Key figures within the gang, such as "the Clown," "Archimidito," "the Morocho," "the Danielito," and "the Congo," are crucial in managing day-to-day operations while enforcing territorial control. Their involvement in various criminal activities, including extortion, drug trafficking, and violence, underscores the gang's multifaceted approach to maintaining power.
The alarming presence of heavy weaponry among gang members raises serious concerns about their operational capabilities. Reports of armed confrontations indicate that these groups are often better equipped than law enforcement, enabling them to operate with relative impunity. This imbalance perpetuates a cycle of violence that is difficult to interrupt.
The illegal gold mining sector in Venezuela has evolved into a complex network of organized crime, state complicity, and international trade, with significant implications for both local and global economies. The illegal nature of this mining is critical to understanding the broader context: the Guayana Train operates outside the law, with little regard for environmental regulations or the rights of local populations. At the heart of this system is the Guayana Train, which has exploited its ties with Maduro's regime to dominate the gold-rich territories of Bolívar state. Understanding who buys this gold, which countries benefit from its trade, and how Maduro's regime utilizes the revenues is crucial for grasping the broader implications of Venezuela's gold economy. In other words, the Guayana Train is a state-sponsored criminal organization designed to enrich the chavistas in power, both civilians and military personnel.
The main buyers of Venezuelan gold are often foreign entities, including countries with less strict regulations on the origin of gold and high demand for precious metals. Notably, countries like Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, and several Asian nations have emerged as significant players in the gold trade. These nations have established channels through which they acquire gold from Venezuela, often disguising the origins of the metal to evade international sanctions imposed on Maduro's regime. Gold is frequently laundered through complex trading networks, allowing it to enter the global market without raising red flags. There is abundant evidence of illegally exported or smuggled Venezuelan gold that has been seized worldwide.
Turkey has been particularly instrumental in facilitating the flow of Venezuelan gold. The country has become a key destination for gold exports, with significant amounts reportedly being shipped from Venezuela directly to Turkey. This relationship has allowed Maduro's regime to generate revenue despite facing crippling sanctions on its oil exports and other economic activities. Gold trade serves as a critical financial lifeline for the Venezuelan government, providing the necessary liquidity to support its operations.
An interesting background illustrates the regime's oversight of gold through the CVM. The Venezuelan Mining Corporation, S.A. (CVM) was created by Hugo Chávez in 2012 as a state corporation responsible for exploration, extraction, production, and other mining-related processes. In September 2024, Venezuelan Major General José Santiago Moreno Martínez was appointed President of the CVM by Venezuela's Vice President, Delcy Rodríguez. Moreno Martínez had been the former second commander of the Venezuelan Armed Forces (CEOFANB), responsible for the destruction of clandestine airstrips and illegal mining sites. Coincidentally, Delcy Rodríguez and her brother, Jorge Rodríguez, make regular visits to Turkey overseeing "joint business ventures." While this may not mean much, much of Venezuela's illegal and "legal" gold is exported to Turkey. So much so that Venezuela and Turkey signed an agreement to exploit gold in Venezuela in July 2024, perhaps as a result of international pressure over questionable practices and corruption related to Turkey's role in Venezuelan gold.
The revenues from gold are used by Maduro's administration to finance various aspects of its governance, including social programs, military expenditures, and efforts to maintain control over the country amid widespread discontent. The regime has strategically redirected these funds to bolster its support among key sectors, securing loyalty from military and security forces that are essential for its survival. Moreover, it is likely that revenues are used to finance state-sponsored programs that aim to alleviate some of the economic hardships faced by the population, albeit often in a way that reinforces state control rather than fostering genuine development.
Furthermore, the Maduro regime's connections with organized crime groups like the Guayana Train highlight a troubling synergy between state officials and criminal enterprises. This collaboration enables a smoother operation in the illegal gold trade, where profits are funneled back into a system that supports both the gang's activities and the regime's agenda. The resulting cycle of violence, corruption, and economic exploitation not only destabilizes local mining regions but also poses broader risks to regional security.
The international ramifications of this gold trade extend beyond Venezuela's borders. Countries involved in acquiring Venezuelan gold may inadvertently support human rights abuses and environmental degradation prevalent in mining regions. Gang-led operations such as the Guayana Train are often marked by violence, extortion, and irreparable ecological and environmental damage, raising ethical concerns for nations involved in the trade. As awareness of these issues grows, there is increasing pressure on governments and corporations to ensure that their gold supply chains are free from complicity in such activities.
Strategic Ramifications
Organized Crime and State Complicity: The Guayana Train's ties to Maduro's regime illustrate how organized crime can thrive in environments where state mechanisms are compromised. This relationship undermines the rule of law and may lead to increases in civil unrest and instability, threatening the regime's control over power.
Impact on Local Communities: While the exit of the Peruvian Syndicate may have temporarily reduced violence, the ongoing extortion by the Guayana Train continues to exploit local populations. This reliance on criminal organizations for economic stability stifles legitimate development and governance.
International Trade and Global Supply Chains: The involvement of countries like Turkey in purchasing Venezuelan gold complicates international relations, especially for those imposing sanctions. This may lead to diplomatic tensions and challenges in maintaining the integrity of international trade practices.
Human Rights Implications: The gold trade is linked to numerous human rights abuses, raising ethical concerns for nations participating in this market. Increasing scrutiny over supply chains may pressure governments and corporations to adopt more responsible sourcing practices.
Future of Maduro's Regime: The regime's reliance on the ingrained...Those involved in gold financing their operations raise questions about their long-term viability. If international pressure increases or gold supply chains are disrupted, the regime could face significant financial challenges, leading to greater instability.
In summary, the intricate dynamics of the illegal gold trade in Venezuela highlight a complex game of local crime, state interests, and international demand. Countries like Turkey and those in the Middle East play significant roles in purchasing Venezuelan gold, providing much-needed income to Maduro's regime. These revenues are strategically used to sustain government operations and maintain control over power while perpetuating a cycle of violence and corruption. Addressing these challenges requires a concerted effort from the international community to examine and regulate the gold supply chain, thereby holding accountable those who benefit from this illicit trade and the human suffering it engenders.
References:
Teixeira, M. (2024). The Venezuelan gang allegedly exploits ties with Maduro for power in illegal mining. AFP
InSight Crime. (2023). "Gold Mining in Venezuela: An Overview of the Criminal Landscape." InSight Crime.
William Acosta is the founder and CEO of Equalizer Private Investigations & Security Services Inc. He has coordinated investigations related to international drug trafficking, money laundering, and homicides in the U.S. and other countries such as Germany, Italy, Portugal, Spain, France, England, and literally, all of Latin America.
William has been a New York Police Investigator for 10 years, 2 years in the Department of Treasury, and 6 years in the American Army with several international deployments on communications and intelligence issues.
Jesús Romero served in the U.S. government for 37 years, encompassing military, intelligence, and diplomatic roles. A graduate of Norfolk University with a Bachelor’s degree in Political Science, he also completed Naval Aviation Preflight training and served in various capacities, including aboard a nuclear missile cruiser and in strike squadrons. His deployments included Libya, Bosnia, Iraq, and Somalia.
His career in the intelligence area included key assignments with the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) in Panama, the Joint Intelligence Center in the Pacific in Hawaii, and he led U.S. efforts to locate missing personnel in Asia. He retired from active service in 2006, decorated with numerous medals including the Defense Meritorious Service Medal and the Navy Commendation Medal.
He spent 15 years in civil service as an Intelligence Operations Specialist in the Army Department, in the South Interagency Task Force in Florida. After retiring, he worked as a defense contractor for BAE Systems and Booz Allen Hamilton.
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