William Acosta, CEO of Equalizer Investigations for FinGurú
Introduction
Recent investigations into political corruption in Colombia have uncovered how family ties and power relations have facilitated the movement of large sums of irregular money in the presidential environment of Gustavo Petro. Far from being isolated incidents, there is an architecture of impunity that transcends institutions, involving both his son and brother, former M-19 guerrillas in official intelligence, and encompassing key cabinet officials. The debate on transparency and effective fighting against corruption is overshadowed by ongoing judicial entanglements and the political shielding of powerful families (Agencia PI, 2023; Semana, 2025; El Colombiano, 2024; RTVE, 2024).
Petro's Inner Circle
Who they are, how much they received, and how they operated
Nicolás Petro, the president's eldest son, has been investigated and formally accused of receiving more than 1 billion Colombian pesos (around 250,000 dollars), funds allegedly diverted to support his father's presidential campaign. The files show that the money came from businessmen and drug traffickers, ultimately financing luxury houses, vehicles, jewelry, and personal expenses, in addition to fictitious contracts channeled through the Conciencia Social Foundation, amounting to over 6.542 billion pesos (more than 1.5 million dollars), with little actual execution (Agencia PI, 2023; Compliance Colombia, 2024; Agencia PI, 2020).
The name of Juan Fernando Petro, Gustavo Petro's brother, appears in international files for the assassination of Ecuadorian candidate Fernando Villavicencio. Businessman Daniel Salcedo confessed before the Prosecutor's Office that he agreed with Juan Fernando to pay one million dollars (500,000 in cash and the rest after asylum) in Colombia and Ecuador, a sum that never passed through formal banking channels and was mobilized for political and legal protection. Despite public denials, the investigation remains active and in the process of gathering evidence (Semana, 2025; Infobae, 2025; Univisión, 2023).
The National Disaster Risk Management Unit (UNGRD) became the epicenter of the largest institutional embezzlement under Petro's government. More than 1.4 trillion pesos (exceeding 300 million dollars) were diverted through fraudulent contracts and simulated payments, benefiting high-ranking officials and congress members such as Iván Name (3 billion) and Andrés Calle Aguas (1 billion). Carlos Ramón González, a former M-19 member and director of both DAPRE and the National Intelligence Directorate (DNI), was accused of coordinating these networks and ordering the payment of bribes; his resignation came after revelations and the submission of judicial evidence (El Colombiano, 2024; RTVE, 2024; Cedetrabajo, 2024; DW, 2024).
Former M-19 Guerrillas in Intelligence Positions: Corruption and Ongoing Processes
One of the most controversial episodes was the appointment of former M-19 militants to key positions within the state intelligence policy. Carlos Ramón González and Manuel Casanova Guzmán headed the DNI, while René Guarín was responsible for presidential technology areas (El Colombiano, 2024; Semana, 2025). González, a former M-19 commander, appears as the architect of the bribery scheme at UNGRD, making million-dollar payments—over 2 billion pesos (around half a million dollars)—through funds originally intended for risk management and the purchase of water trucks for La Guajira (RTVE, 2024; DW, 2024; EFE, 2024). After his resignation, he faces an international arrest warrant and is reportedly in hiding in Nicaragua (Cambio Colombia, 2025).
The hasty integration of ex-combatants into intelligence services, the lack of institutional controls, and the discretionary management of public resources facilitated the apparent emergence of a culture of impunity that penetrated the highest levels of the state pyramid (Semana, 2025; RTVE, 2024; El Colombiano, 2024).
Judicial State and the Fate of Illicit Funds
The illegal money was distributed through bribes to politicians (congress members and high officials), simulated contracts, and transfers via foundations and shell companies, such as the Conciencia Social Foundation. Part of the resources ended up in material assets (real estate, vehicles, luxury items), and another portion was used for political and judicial shielding both nationally and internationally (Agencia PI, 2023; Agencia PI, 2020; Compliance Colombia, 2024; Cedetrabajo, 2024; PanAm Post, 2025).
Currently, Nicolás Petro faces formal charges, with the Prosecutor's Office in advanced stages of the trial; Juan Fernando Petro appears in active files in Ecuador and Colombia; Olmedo López and Sneyder Pinilla are already cooperating judicially with authorities regarding the diversion of public funds; and Carlos Ramón González remains a political fugitive. The courts and the Prosecutor's Office have presented multiple files of evidence, but procedural delays and political influence continue to hinder definitive conclusions (El Colombiano, 2024; RTVE, 2024; Cedetrabajo, 2024; Semana, 2025; Infobae, 2025).
Conclusion
The corruption surrounding Gustavo Petro's presidential environment, the infiltration of former M-19 guerrillas in intelligence, and the multi-million dollar diversion of state funds have revealed a structural network of impunity and political shielding. The massive use of fictitious contracts, bribes to congress members, family protection, and the insertion of former combatants in intelligence roles have undermined public and institutional trust. Justice, although progressing in investigations, has yet to achieve definitive convictions in the face of the magnitude of the scandal. Without reforms and exemplary sanctions, the political system risks perpetuating the legacy of impunity agreements that have lasted for decades.
References
Agencia PI. (2023). The Conciencia Social Foundation signed 11 contracts for 6.542 billion pesos, the axis of Nicolás Petro's corruption. https://www.agenciapi.co/investigacion/politica/fundacion-conciencia-social-firmo-11-contratos-por-6542-millones-eje-de-corrupcion-de-nicolas-petro
Semana. (2025, June 21). Juan Fernando Petro mentioned in investigation for assassination of presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio. https://www.semana.com/mundo/articulo/juan-fernando-petro-mencionado-en-investigacion-por-magnicidio-del-candidato-presidencial-fernando-villavicencio-nos-costaria-un-millon-de-dolares/202508/
Infobae. (2025, September 17). Juan Fernando Petro responds to accusation in Villavicencio case. https://www.infobae.com/colombia/2025/09/17/juan-fernando-petro-responde-a-acusacion-en-caso-villavicencio-si-yo-tuviera-un-millon-de-dolares-no-estaria-en-colombia/
Infobae. (2025, August 5). The Supreme Court ordered the criminal investigation of 11 high officials of Petro's government due to the UNGRD case. https://www.infobae.com/colombia/2025/08/05/corte-suprema-de-justicia-ordeno-investigar-penalmente-a-11-altos-funcionarios-del-gobierno-petro-por-el-caso-ungrd/
El Colombiano. (2024, August 17). The extent of former M-19 members in the State's intelligence agencies. https://www.elcolombiano.com/colombia/los-alcances-de-los-ex-m-19-en-las-agencias-de-inteligencia-del-estado-FG25239914
RTVE. (2024, July 26). The head of Intelligence Directorate of Colombia resigns after a corruption scandal. https://www.rtve.es/noticias/20240727/jefe-direccion-inteligencia-colombia-renuncia-a-su-cargo-tras-escandalo-corrupcion/16199721.shtml
DW. (2024, July 25). Colombia: Intelligence Chief resigns linked to corruption. https://www.dw.com/es/renuncia-jefe-de-inteligencia-de-colombia-investigado-por-corrupci%C3%B3n/a-69780958
EFE. (2024, July 25). Colombia: Intelligence Chief resigns linked to corruption. https://efe.com/mundo/2024-07-26/colombia-caso-corrupcion-ungrd/
Compliance Colombia. (2024). Money laundering: Nicolás Petro Burgos charged and sent to trial. https://www.compliance.com.co/nicolas-petro-hijo-del-presidente-de-colombia-es-formalmente-acusado-y-citado-a-juicio/
PanAm Post. (2025). Corruption gnaws at Petro's government: the 12 officials under scrutiny. https://panampost.com/jose-gregorio-martinez/2025/06/04/la-corrupcion-carcome-al-gobierno-de-petro-los-12-funcionarios-en-la-mira/
Agencia PI. (2020). History and the millionaire contracts of the Conciencia Social Foundation that entangle Nicolás Petro again. https://www.agenciapi.co/investigacion/historia-y-los-millonarios-contratos-de-la-fundacion-conciencia-social-que-vuelven-enredar-nicolas-petro
Univisión. (2023). The brother of President Gustavo Petro requested money through an intermediary to prevent his extradition to the U.S. https://www.univision.com/noticias/america-latina/hermano-presidente-gustavo-petro-intento-sobornar-empresario-acusado-de-narcotrafico-para-impedir-extradicion-a-eeuu
Cedetrabajo. (2024). Bribes and corruption in the UNGRD, shadow over Petro's government. https://cedetrabajo.org/sobornos-corrupcion-en-la-ungrd-sombra-gobierno-petro/
Semana. (2025, June 21). From Augusto Rodríguez to Carlos Ramón González: these are the troubles of the former M-19 in Gustavo Petro's Government. https://www.semana.com/politica/articulo/de-augusto-rodriguez-a-carlos-ramon-gonzalez-estos-son-los-lios-de-los-ex-m-19-en-el-gobierno-de-gustavo-petro/202521/
Cambio Colombia. (2025, August 18). Who is Carlos Ramón González: from M-19 to the corruption scandal. https://cambiocolombia.com/cambio/articulo/2025/8/quien-es-carlos-ramon-gonzalez-exdirector-del-dapre-buscado-por-la-justicia-colombiana-por/
The Country. (2024, December 19). The corruption scandal of the UNGRD strolls through the halls of the Casa de Nariño. https://elpais.com/america-colombia/2024-12-19/el-escandalo-de-corrupcion-de-la-ungrd-se-pasea-por-los-pasillos-de-la-casa-de-narino.html
About the Author William L. Acosta is a retired criminal investigator from the NYPD, specializing in comparative political corruption and transnational organized crime. With experience as an international consultant and analyst for media and legal firms, he has documented complex cases in Latin America, the United States, and beyond.
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