The Twilight of the Foreign Ministry?
The pragmatism and historical diplomatic line, one that was quite independent of the personal thoughts of the presidential figure, has faded. There are not few career diplomats who do not identify with the dogmatic and extremely linear foreign policy that Milei has, which Mondino attempted (with questionable success) to pragmatize.
The Foreign Ministry is divided between those who resonate with the government and those who are quietly opposed. The conflict over profit payments (which resulted in a 20% reduction in income for diplomats abroad), along with the harsh letter that Milei sent through internal communication in mid-October, only increased the tension between diplomats and the president.
Not "accompanying the ideas of freedom," "transitioning into a change of era that should also be reflected on the international stage" or "taking a step to the side" are the only directives that Milei demands to carry out his foreign (and domestic) policy. This confirmed the clear distrust that Casa Rosada has towards all Argentine career officials.
In line with this, the official statement about Mondino’s departure included that the government "will carry out a audit of the Foreign Ministry staff," to identify the "promoters of agendas hostile to freedom" and "influences that promote agendas contrary to Casa Rosada." The government’s advance on career officials has never been seen in recent history.
Another controversial episode featuring Casa Rosada and diplomats was the constant clashes with the former Permanent Representative to the UN, Ricardo Lagorio, who never managed to converge and align with Milei’s ideological vision. When the president traveled to New York to give his speech to the organization, Lagorio was not allowed to participate in the official delegation, greet the president at the airport, or sit in the General Assembly to witness his speech. He was replaced by Karina, Mondino, Caputo, Bullrich, and the new chancellor, Werthein. As of October 30, his departure was made official.

Leader or Warrior?
No connection with the opposition
In a fully globalized world, it is impossible not to share cultural, historical, commercial, and political ties with many countries in the region and the world. Milei's statements at the beginning of his term not to "negotiate" with communist states (in clear reference to China), and that he would only support trade between private actors, demonstrate that the current president had no idea of the whirlwind of trade and foreign policy.
The truth is that since the beginning of his term, Milei has faced Spanish-speaking left-wing leaders. Mexico, Colombia, Chile, Brazil, Spain, and clearly Venezuela are some examples. There are many.
In a month and a half after taking office, the terrible relationship between Milei and his Colombian counterpart, Gustavo Petro, exploded. The Argentine, in a CNN interview, called Petro a "communist murderer" because of his guerrilla past. But the Colombian didn't hold back, comparing Milei to Hitler in 2023. Additionally, in retaliation, Petro expelled all accredited Argentine diplomats in Colombia.
But it was not just Petro who questioned the Argentine. After the electoral outcome, former Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador stated on his social media that he does not understand how Argentinians, being so intelligent, could have voted for someone who insulted Pope Francis, calling him a communist; and referring to Milei as a "conservative fascist". Milei labeled him as "ignorant." Evidently, the Argentine president did not attend the presidential inauguration of AMLO's ally, Claudia Sheinbaum, on October 1.
The list continues with Pedro Sánchez from Spain, when in May the diplomatic conflict erupted with personal disqualifications and offensive statements.
The controversial speech of the Argentine president during his trip to Spain for an event organized by the far-right party Vox brought to light a tension that had been brewing for some time. There, Milei accused the wife of the Spanish government president, Begonia Gómez, of being corrupt, and stated that it took him 5 days to think about it. Sánchez picked up the gauntlet and demanded that Milei apologize, which he refused, as previously the Spanish Minister of Transportation, Oscar Puente, had labeled him as "taking substances." The dispute continued: Argentina went 5 months without a Spanish ambassador. By the end of October, relations were normalized.
However, the closest ally still generating total political tension in the Americas is the confrontation between Milei and Lula. During the electoral campaign, the Brazilian explicitly supported Massa, while the libertarian declared him a "great corrupt and a communist. Furthermore, he fully supported Jair Bolsonaro.
To date, there has been no meeting between them; Lula demands that Milei apologize for past statements, but the presidential spokesperson made it clear that "The president has nothing to regret." However, Milei did visit Brazil, but to attend summits of conservative organizations. A similar case is with the United States, where Milei has never made a state visit but has attended such events or met with businessmen.
Questioning International Organizations
Since his media presence (back in 2017), during his presidential campaign, his last appearance at the Davos Forum, and even in his speech before the UN, Milei considers Agenda 2030 a socialist idea that polluted the ideas of freedom and has only brought misery to the world. In front of the organization that created and leads Agenda 2030, the libertarian asserted that Argentina will be the "beacon of the world" regarding the free market, but the flip side is a highly conservative stance on social and political issues, mainly in environmental, gender, and human rights agendas.
There is also little interest on the part of the Argentine president regarding other international organizations. With his absence from MERCOSUR on July 8, he avoided crossing paths personally with Lula, but even so, it symbolically showed that a personal issue weighs more than Argentina's main commercial alliance.
180° Turns
Milei's obstinate stance towards the Asian giant, which he promised during his campaign not to negotiate with China or communists, lasted very shortly. A year later, Milei declared that "China is a very interesting trade partner because it asks for nothing, they just don’t want to be bothered." The truth is that Argentina depends significantly on China for trade and finance. The unlocking of the USD 5 billion swap until July 2026 prevented an economic impact on the Argentine Central Bank's reserves. Dogmatism would not have saved the government.
A similar situation happened with the Pope. During the electoral campaign, he accused Francis of being "The representative of the Evil One on Earth." But once he took office, the president knew how to change the narrative and admitted his mistake. Nevertheless, a hidden tension remains, caused by Francis, who became involved in the dispute between Cristina Kirchner and Milei.
Was Diana Suitable?

Casa Rosada was gradually eroding Mondino's power and legitimacy. Tensions that began in December, with a Diana who sought and surrounded herself with career diplomats to hold a position for which she had little experience.
But internal conflicts began with appointments originating from the presidency of the Nation. Lawyer Úrsula Basset, assigned as "advisor" to Mondino and very close to Karina Milei, controls Argentina's position regarding Agenda 2030, and in filtering issues considered "progressive" such as gender, climate change, or environment. Additionally, in June Karina Milei took control of the Agency for Commercial Promotion and Investment, crucial for increasing commercial agreements with other countries.
On the other hand, Nahuel Sotelo arrived as Secretary of Worship and Civilization, tasked with addressing international human rights issues (a sensitive area for the presidency), refugee issues, Agenda 2030, and relations with the Vatican and other faiths. This spurred the (sought) internal conflicts within the Foreign Ministry. Ultimately, his deputy chancellor, Leopoldo Sahores, resigned in mid-October. Friendly fire had significantly weakened the former chancellor.
But there were not only losses of power in terms of organizational structure. The differences between Karina and Mondino regarding the scandal with France, the failure to attend the G7 summit held in Italy (a summit that brought together the 7 strongest economies of the Western world), and the recent dispute between the Foreign Ministry and the Ministry of Defense over referring to the Falklands as Faklands in a statement, further eroded the situation.
The vote at the UN regarding Cuba was the last straw. A possible change of this nature was foreseeable, following Casa Rosada's strong intervention in the Foreign Ministry. However, it was not the best outcome for Mondino.
Are We Going to Miss Her?
Despite having made extremely controversial statements such as comparing homosexuals to lice, saying that "the Chinese are all the same," if you are retired and collect from ANSES, you are sure to die or "Women and Sandwiches Ministry," Mondino managed to maintain a balance between the tension of the government and the diplomatic staff, amid internal conflicts generated by appointments made by Casa Rosada.
However, international isolationism will sooner or later start to come at a high cost. The Pact for the Future, not voted in September, demonstrated that Argentina aligned (unintentionally) with countries that, according to Milei's discourse, would be at the other extreme: Russia and North Korea.
The Argentine stance today is strange and poorly suited for any generation of diplomatic staff. The dogmatism that Milei promotes will continue to generate tensions that the new chancellor will have to balance and attempt to resolve. But the executive will not make it easy.
In the world of IR: the nation comes first, and the "movement" afterward, or at least it should be.
Comments