Jesús Daniel Romero and William Acosta for Poder & Dinero and FinGurú
In an interview conducted on May 22, 2024, the now-elected president Edmundo González Urrutia outlined his vision to include chavistas in his future government. His proposal to open spaces for political participation of this sector, guaranteeing that there will be no ideological persecution, aims to promote reconciliation and stability in Venezuela. However, this inclusive stance may be interpreted as a sign of weakness before the regime of Nicolás Maduro. The recent history of countries like Colombia, where negotiations with criminal groups have resulted in broken agreements, serves as a warning. In Colombia, criminals and human rights violators have received more benefits than the victims themselves, being rewarded with seats in government and holding positions as deputies, mayors, congress members, governors, and even presidents. Similarly, account must be taken of the abuses, murders, violations of rights, and human rights violations, as well as the great division among Venezuelans causing the largest immigration exodus perpetrated by the legacy of Chavismo. The question would be, who speaks for them?.
The strategy of the chavista regime is based on tactics of delegitimization and repression. Maduro faces criticism for electoral fraud, while González was the true winner of the elections on July 28, with plans to assume the presidency on January 10, 2025, despite his exile in Spain. The accusations of irregularities, supported by the international community, especially the administration of Joe Biden, place the regime in a defensive position.
In response to the growing opposition, the regime has intensified its repression. María Corina Machado, a key figure in the opposition, has called for several protests, leading to a more aggressive reaction from the regime. The repression is manifesting through mass imprisonments of demonstrators, regardless of age, jailing minors and others without due process. Kidnappings and forced disappearances, torture, human rights violations, police sieges and threats to opposition leaders, in addition to homicides, show the regime's willingness to use force to maintain its control.
Furthermore, the National Assembly, dominated by the regime, is considering legislation that politically disqualifies those who promote international sanctions. This measure aims to silence any resistance, while the rhetoric between chavismo and the opposition intensifies, with Maduro warning about the consequences of destabilizing his government.
In this context, Maduro tries to take the oath as president on January 10, ignoring allegations of fraud. His recent decree that erases January 10 as a date on the calendar and replaces it with January 32, which does not exist, is one of many absurd ideas from a dictator. This action is perceived as a mockery of the international community and the dignity of the Venezuelan people.
The new government of González must be firm in defending the rights of Venezuelans and ensure that Maduro and his allies cannot escape with the country's resources while the population continues to suffer. González's administration must prioritize justice and accountability, ensuring that political inclusion is not used as a way to protect those responsible for the current crisis, but as a true commitment to change in the country. Justice must be paramount for the justice and for the very foundation of a González presidency.
Upon assuming power, President Edmundo González Urrutia must implement a total purge of government units, focusing on the armed forces, police, and all intelligence agencies. This process is essential for the new government to operate effectively and free from the influences of the previous regime.
It is crucial to take decisive action:
Dismantling corrupt structures: Identifying and removing those officials and agents who have collaborated with the Maduro regime is vital to restoring public trust and ensuring security.
Expelling foreign agents: Efforts must be made to identify and expel all agents of governments that have supported the regime, preventing them from remaining in the country and undermining the new government.
Verification of the national identification system: It is essential to review the national identification system and cancel IDs and passports issued to foreign agents and criminals. This will not only restore the integrity of the system, but also protect the population from infiltrations.
International collaboration: The new government must establish relationships with countries that have extradition processes to ensure that those who have violated the law in Venezuela, including members of the regime, are held accountable for their crimes. These crimes include drug trafficking, forced disappearances, torture, state terrorism, extrajudicial executions, electoral fraud, homicides, kidnappings, and human rights violations. This is essential for justice and accountability.
Strengthening institutions: It is necessary to create new institutions that are transparent and accountable, aligned with democratic principles, ensuring that the government is composed of people committed to the well-being of the Venezuelan people.
Disarming the collectives: It is imperative to carry out the disarmament of the collectives and the deactivation of these illegal groups within the national territory. This is fundamental to restoring security and peace in the communities.
Modification of computer systems: The country's computer systems operated by intelligence agencies, military forces, police, and other entities provided by countries like Russia, China, North Korea, and Iran must be deactivated and modified. This will ensure that the new government has total control over its security and defense systems.
Economic reforms: Urgent economic reforms must be implemented to foster investment and the recovery of the productive sector, guaranteeing access to basic goods and services for the population.
Humanitarian attention plan: Develop a comprehensive humanitarian attention plan that addresses the immediate needs of the population, including health, food, and education, to mitigate the effects of the current crisis.
Promotion of social dialogue: Create spaces for dialogue with all sectors of civil society, including vulnerable groups and non-governmental organizations, to build consensus and foster citizen participation in the reconstruction of the country.
Restructuring the judicial system: Initiate a process of restructuring the judicial system to guarantee its independence and capacity to act against corruption and human rights violations.
If the enemy is allowed to remain inside, the new government will face significant difficulties in governing and advancing the reconstruction of the country. These actions must be part of a comprehensive strategy to ensure a stable and democratic future in Venezuela. Determination and firmness in these early steps will be fundamental to establishing a new order that prioritizes justice and respect for human rights.
Conclusion
The feasibility of a cohabitation government that allows for the institutional and moral reconstruction of the Republic is a goal that proves difficult to achieve under populist inclusion stances. History has shown that such approaches often protect those who have contributed to the current crisis, rather than seek justice and accountability.
Chavismo and Maduro's governance have committed serious human rights violations and crimes that must be addressed through justice to move forward and overcome deep-rooted problems. Without a clear commitment to dismantling corrupt structures and facing the regime's crimes, any attempt at reconstruction will be doomed to failure. For reconstruction to be possible, it is imperative to adopt a firm stance that prioritizes justice, truth, and the restitution of human rights, rather than yielding to conciliation tactics that only perpetuate the cycle of impunity.
Credits
This article is based on information from various journalistic sources and analyses by experts on the political and social situation in Venezuela. We thank the following media outlets and journalists for their valuable coverage and reports:
El Nacional
ABC Color
La Prensa
The New York Times
Venezuela Analysis
Their investigations have been fundamental in understanding the current context and the implications of the policies proposed by the elected government of Edmundo González Urrutia. Without their work, this analysis would not have been possible.
Jesús Romero retired after more than 37 years of combined service in the United States government. He began his career in the United States Navy in 1984 as a seaman, serving aboard the nuclear cruiser USS South Carolina CGN 37 and the amphibious support ship USS Tortuga LSD 46. Throughout his career, he specialized in naval intelligence.
“In the early 1980s, I was studying between the US and Venezuela – he comments – but in '84 we had to return to the US due to the loss of the Bolívar against the dollar. I decided to enlist in the military. For me, it was a simple step to go to the military offices that were recruiting. I knocked on all the doors, but only one was open, that of the Navy. They accepted me a month later. My basic training was in Orlando between 1984 and 1985, the year I was assigned to a nuclear cruiser,” he stated.
Major Jesús Romero, of Venezuelan descent, was an expert witness in the federal criminal case in the Eastern District of Texas against Debra Lynn Mercer, president of Aircraft Guaranty LLC, an Oklahoma-based company that allegedly provided services to Mexican and Colombian-Venezuelan cartels with high-performance executive jets to transport cocaine from Venezuela and Colombia to the US.
William Acosta is the founder and CEO of Equalizer Private Investigations & Security Services Inc. He has coordinated investigations related to international drug trafficking, money laundering, and homicides in the US and other countries such as Germany, Italy, Portugal, Spain, France, England, and literally throughout Latin America.
He has been a 10-year investigator for the New York Police, 2 years in the Treasury Department, and 6 years in the US Army with several international deployments on communications and intelligence issues.
A veteran international investigator, he coordinated multijurisdictional investigations on drug trafficking, money laundering, and homicides in the United States and other countries.
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