Jesús Daniel Romero and William Acosta for Poder & Dinero and FinGurú
The Total Peace strategy seeks to open spaces for dialogue and negotiation with different armed groups, but it has resulted in the inclusion of leaders from criminal organizations, responsible for serious human rights violations, in the structures of power. Some of these individuals have been elected as mayors, deputies, congressmen, and even senators, which represents an alarming distortion of the democratic process. This not only undermines trust in the institutions but also reinforces a system in which criminality is rewarded, perpetuating a cycle of violence and corruption.
The idea that these criminals can be "peace managers" becomes a tragic irony. Instead of acting as agents of change, many exert their influence through fear and intimidation, using their new political status to protect their interests. The lack of effective accountability mechanisms has allowed impunity to become an inherent feature of the Colombian political landscape.
Furthermore, there is criticism of President Petro's tendency to lie compulsively. It is argued that he has a remarkable ability to distort reality and communicate falsehoods to his followers, generating distrust even among his officials. Lying is described as a pathology used to manipulate, which is dangerous, as a lying leader can create division and put social, economic, and political stability at risk.
Petro is criticized for failing to fulfill promises, and instead of taking responsibility, he blames his opponents, creating a cycle of distractions and unfounded new proposals. Absurd claims are mentioned, as well as the contradiction between his optimistic discourse and the reality of serious problems, such as the lack of water and violence in various regions of Colombia. The critique concludes that it is disheartening to have a president whose actions are marked by lies, which delegitimizes his government and severely affects the country.
In this context, the question arises as to whether Petro is a reliable ally of the United States. His participation in the inauguration of the president of Mexico, Claudia Sheinbaum, where he identified her as a member of the M-19 and highlighted her leftist positions, has raised concerns about his true intentions. It is argued that the cause of the violence in Haiti and Ecuador is related to the rampant leftist policy that promotes the production of coca and cocaine crops, exacerbating security problems in the region.
Additionally, his narcissistic behavior is criticized, where he seems to prioritize his image and personal ambitions over collective well-being. This manifests in his speeches and political decisions, constantly seeking to validate his figure as a leader at the expense of truth and accountability. This narcissism can be particularly dangerous in a context that requires leadership committed to justice and equity.
Moreover, Petro has not yet recognized the opposition's victory over Maduro's regime and has rejected the proposal from the Colombian Congress urging him to recognize the Venezuelan opposition leader as the elected president. This refusal highlights tensions in his foreign policy and alignment with leftist governments in the region, raising doubts about his commitment to democracy and human rights in Venezuela.
The inclusion of leaders from criminal organizations in politics as "peace managers" raises serious doubts about the legitimacy of peace processes. Individuals such as Iván Márquez, Germán Alí Gutiérrez, alias "Pablito," of the National Liberation Army (ELN), and others have achieved positions of power despite their history of human rights violations.
The situation is further complicated by the disintegration of armed groups such as Iván Márquez's Second Marquetalia and Iván Mordisco's Central General Staff, negatively affecting peace dialogues. The fragmentation of these groups has hindered negotiations within the framework of the government's peace policy, especially in the dialogue table with the ELN, which has stalled since the expiration of a bilateral ceasefire in August.
The crisis in the Central General Staff has led the Government not to be willing to negotiate with its leader, Iván Mordisco, due to this group's offensives against the armed forces. Although President Petro believes that these fractures may represent a move towards peace, other analysts warn that this fragmentation could have risky consequences.
Meanwhile, military reports have revealed a worrying strategy for recruiting minors in Cauca, led by Iván Mordisco. This phenomenon evidences a systematic pattern of child exploitation within the armed conflict. So far this year, the Army has recovered 17 minors in Tolima, all originally from Cauca, indicating a deliberate tactic to mobilize youth to areas where it seeks to strengthen its control.
The recruitment strategy includes "mobile schools" for training, where young people receive instruction in combat tactics. This transforms them into potential fighters within a short period. In addition to military exploitation, recruitment encompasses serious human rights violations, such as sexual abuse, affecting both girls and boys, who fall victim to sexual violence within these organizations.
The Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) has established that at least 18,677 boys and girls were recruited by the FARC-EP. The Recognition Chamber has completed a preliminary analysis on recruitment and has defined a prioritization strategy for the case, investigating the systematic use of minors in the armed conflict between 1996 and 2016.
The Chamber has defined three research hypotheses concerning behaviors associated with recruitment: sexual violence, forced disappearance, murder, and other cruel treatments. In the next phase, it will focus on the Eastern Bloc and its areas of influence, calling on 26 former members of this bloc to testify before the JEP.
The JEP has found a universe of 18,677 unique victims, constituting a provisional figure of events from Case 07, sub-case FARC-EP. This figure was obtained after cross-referencing 31 databases provided by victim organizations, the State, and university institutions.
This universe, combined with information from 274 accredited victims, will enable the Chamber to prioritize the investigation into recruitment between 1996 and 2016, determining patterns and individual responsibilities. The Chamber will also analyze behaviors associated with recruitment and determine if they constitute international crimes.
The Chamber will focus its actions on a territorial logic, starting with the Eastern Bloc, which encompasses several departments where 50% of recruitments have occurred. It will specifically investigate the impact of recruitment on indigenous peoples and seek their participation in the testimonies that will be given.
Regarding the age of the victims, the Chamber has determined that the FARC-EP systematically recruited and used boys and girls aged 15 to 17 as part of its recruitment policy. It will also work on the hypothesis that it recruited minors under 14 years of age, contrary to its own provisions. Information indicates that at least 5,691 minors in this age range were allegedly recruited, and that 68% of the accredited victims were under 15 years old.
The interaction between drug trafficking and mineral trafficking creates an environment of instability in the region. The influence of the Cartel de los Soles in drug and mineral trafficking affects not only Colombia but also has repercussions in other countries, fostering a network of organized crime that can complicate regional security efforts.
The situation in Cauca and Tolima highlights the urgent need for intervention by Colombian authorities and international organizations. It is crucial to implement prevention programs and assistance for victims of recruitment and abuse, ensuring accountability for those who perpetrate these violations. The community must be aware of these patterns and work towards the protection of children in conflict contexts, ensuring a future free from violence and exploitation.
Political Participation of Ex-Guerrillas
In Colombian politics, several former FARC combatants have achieved notable participation in public office following the signing of the peace agreement. In the regional elections, two former guerrillas have been elected mayors, and the FARC party has secured another mayoralty. In total, the party presented 308 candidates for various positions, of which 101 were ex-guerrillas. Likewise, ex-guerrillas such as José Obdulio Gaviria Vélez, Darío Mejía, and others have held positions in the Democratic Center party and other political contexts in Colombia.
In conclusion, President Gustavo Petro's failed Total Peace has not only allowed for the reconfiguration of criminal power in Colombia but has also exposed the most vulnerable segments of the population to exploitation and violence. The inclusion of guerrilla and paramilitary leaders in politics as "peace managers" raises serious doubts about the legitimacy of these processes. It is imperative for the government to reevaluate its approach, prioritizing justice and the well-being of victims over impunity and political convenience. Only then can a future be built where peace is a concrete reality, grounded in justice, equity, and respect for human rights. With over 30 years of experience as a politician and having held positions in government, Petro has failed to achieve any kind of "Total Peace," perhaps because his rhetoric and lack of decisive actions fail to inspire confidence in the people. This pathology represented by President Petro could also affect the credibility of the incoming administration of the elected president Donald Trump.
Credits
This article has been prepared from various sources of information, including:
Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) - Press releases and official documents on the recruitment and use of children by the FARC-EP.
Human Rights Organizations - Reports and testimonies on human rights violations in Colombia.
National and International Press - Articles and reports from media outlets that have covered the armed conflict in Colombia and the peace process.
Academic Research - Studies analyzing the impact of the conflict on children and patterns of violence in Colombia.
Reports from government entities - Documents recording statistics on forced recruitment and human rights violations.
Jesús Daniel Romero became an officer through the Navy’s Selected Program, and graduated with honors from Norfolk State University, receiving a Bachelor's degree in Political Science. He later graduated from the Naval Aviation Command's Pre-Flight Training course and continued intermediate training in the VT-10 and VT-86 squadrons. He served on a nuclear missile cruiser, amphibious operation ships, and staff squadrons, a fixed-wing strike bombing squadron, and a carrier air wing, and was deployed to Libya, Bosnia, Iraq, and Somalia. He served tours with the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) in Panama, the Joint Intelligence Center in Hawaii, and the Joint POW/MIA Accounting Command. Jesús and his team successfully attacked an international criminal organization operating in several countries and the United States, dismantling and disrupting criminal activities on behalf of Mexican cartels.
William L. Acosta is the founder and CEO of Equalizer Private Investigations & Security Services Inc., a licensed investigative agency linked in NYS, FL. With offices and affiliates worldwide. Equalizer maintains offices and subsidiaries in the United States in New York, Florida, and California. Since 1999, Equalizer's investigations have successfully closed hundreds of cases, ranging from homicides, missing persons, and other crimes. He has been involved in the defense of hundreds of state and federal criminal defense cases, ranging from homicide, narcotics, racketeering, money laundering, conspiracy, and other federal and state charges. He specializes in international and multijurisdictional investigations and in recent years has conducted investigations in Germany, Italy, Portugal, Spain, France, England, Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Panama, Colombia, Venezuela, Argentina, Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, Brazil, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, among other places. He has led or coordinated hundreds of international drug trafficking, money laundering, and homicide investigations, and has been an instructor and international speaker on various investigative topics. Specialties: Criminal Defense Investigations, International Investigations, Homicides, Narcotics Undercover Operations, Investigations, Asset Forfeiture Investigations, Conspiracy, International Human Trafficking, Surveillance, International Terrorism, Intelligence, Technical Surveillance Countermeasures, Internal Affairs Investigations, National Security.
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