Jesús Daniel Romero and William Acosta from Miami Strategic Intelligence Institute for Poder & Dinero and FinGurú
The Collectives in Nicaragua: Tools of Repression and Social Control
The collectives in Nicaragua are organized groups that have emerged in the context of politics and social repression, especially under the regime of President Daniel Ortega and his wife, Rosario Murillo. These collectives have been used as tools of social control and repression against dissent, playing a crucial role in the power dynamics in the country (Human Rights Watch, 2024).
This article examines the role of the collectives in Nicaragua, their impact on social repression and the militarization of the country, comparing it with the case of Venezuela. Additionally, strategies are proposed for the U.S. government to counter these authoritarian tactics.
Origin and Functions of the Collectives
The collectives in Nicaragua have their roots in the Sandinista revolution of the 1980s, when they were formed as support groups for the revolutionary struggle. However, currently, their function has changed significantly. Under the current regime, these groups have been reconfigured to act as paramilitary forces that defend the interests of the government and repress the opposition (Amnesty International, 2023).
Social control is one of the main functions of the collectives, which are used to monitor and control the population, creating an atmosphere of fear and distrust. Their presence in the communities seeks to deter any form of opposition to the regime (Organization of American States [OAS], 2023).
Another notable activity of the collectives has been the repression of protests. During the mass demonstrations that began in 2018, these groups have been involved in the violent repression of protesters. They act as shock groups, attacking those who oppose the government and defending the regime's policies (Inter-American Commission on Human Rights [IACHR], 2023).
These collectives often receive logistical and financial support from the government, which allows them to operate with impunity. This backing strengthens their ability to carry out repression activities without fear of retaliation. These groups, with government-sponsored paramilitary training and disguised with institutional legitimacy, are nothing more than collectives in service of socialist regimes (Wilson Center, 2024).
The Militarization of Nicaragua
Since 2018, Ortega's regime has progressively increased the militarization of the country. In January 2024, 1,700 "volunteer police" were sworn in Estelí, a new auxiliary body of the National Police that legitimizes the existence of paramilitary forces (OAS, 2024).
In 2024, thousands of public employees were forced to undergo military training in clandestine camps. This effort is part of a broader strategy to strengthen the regime’s control in a context of rising popular discontent (Amnesty International, 2024).
Between January and February 2025, the regime swore in more than 73,720 new members, including volunteer police and new officers, bringing the size of the National Police from 20,474 in 2024 to over 100,000 in 2025, quintupling its size in a short period (IACHR, 2025).
The creation of these "volunteer police" is seen as a continuation of the paramilitary groups that participated in the violent repression of the 2018 protests, resulting in at least 355 dead and thousands injured (Human Rights Watch, 2024).
The repressive model of Ortega is not unique in the region. In Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro's regime has followed similar strategies, allowing for parallels to be drawn between both governments.
Comparison with Venezuela
The repression model applied in Nicaragua under the Ortega-Murillo regime has remarkable similarities to the strategy used in Venezuela by Nicolás Maduro (Freedom House, 2024).
1. Use of paramilitary groups: In Venezuela, the chavista collectives act as shock forces to intimidate and repress the opposition. In Nicaragua, the regime has institutionalized this strategy through the Volunteer Police and paramilitary groups.
2. Social control through fear: Both regimes use a combination of repression, surveillance, and threats to smother any attempts at protest.
3. Militarization of the state apparatus: In both Venezuela and Nicaragua, security forces have been expanded and reconfigured to operate under a logic of internal war against dissent.
4. Attacks on civil society: In both countries, thousands of NGOs have been shut down, journalists persecuted, and human rights defenders criminalized.
5. Mass exile: The repression has led to the exodus of millions of citizens, with Venezuela facing the largest migration crisis on the continent and Nicaragua witnessing a massive exit of regime opponents (Wilson Center, 2024).
In light of this consolidation of authoritarianism in Nicaragua, the international community must respond with effective measures to prevent the country from following the same path as Venezuela. Below are possible actions that the U.S. could take to counter Ortega's regime.
Sanctions and Measures to Counter the Ortega Regime
1. Expand and strengthen economic and diplomatic sanctions
• Implement stricter sanctions targeting high-ranking officials of the Nicaraguan government and entities linked to the regime.
• Block financial assets and restrict Ortega and Murillo's access to international funding (United States Department of State, 2025).
2. Apply and extend the NICA Act
• The Nicaragua Investment Conditionality Act (NICA Act) prevents Nicaragua from accessing international loans until it implements democratic reforms.
• Reinforcing this law would increase pressure on the regime to change its repressive policies (U.S. Congress, 2024).
3. Support civil society and independent media
• Provide technical and financial assistance to civil society organizations, human rights defenders, and independent media in Nicaragua.
• Protect journalists in exile and support platforms for free information (Freedom House, 2024).
4. Coordinate international efforts
• Mobilize the OAS and the UN to denounce human rights violations and promote collective sanctions against the regime.
• Work with regional allies to increase Ortega's diplomatic isolation (OAS, 2024).
5. Designate the collectives as criminal organizations
• The U.S. government should classify these groups as criminal organizations similar to cartels and the Tren de Aragua.
• Identify their leaders and members involved in murders and illicit activities to prevent their expansion.
• Apply sanctions, visa restrictions, and asset freezes to individuals and networks linked to these groups.
Conclusion
The situation in Nicaragua, marked by the militarization of the National Police, systematic repression, and strengthening of social control, reflects a strategy of the Ortega and Murillo regime to consolidate their power through fear.
The Trump administration has the opportunity to lead a more aggressive strategy to weaken the Ortega regime, preventing Nicaragua from becoming another bastion of authoritarianism in the region. To do this, it must treat the collectives as criminal organizations, strengthen sanctions, and support civil society.
References
• Amnesty International. (2023). Repression in Nicaragua: A State of Terror. https://www.amnesty.org
• Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. (2023). Report on the Human Rights Crisis in Nicaragua. https://www.cidh.oas.org
• U.S. Department of State. (2025). Sanctions Against the Ortega-Murillo Regime. https://www.state.gov
• Freedom House. (2024). Nicaragua and Venezuela: Authoritarian States in Latin America. https://freedomhouse.org
• Human Rights Watch. (2024). Nicaragua: Annual Report on Human Rights Violations. https://www.hrw.org
• Organization of American States. (2023). Political and Social Situation in Nicaragua. https://www.oas.org
• Wilson Center. (2024). Militarization and Repression in Latin America: The Case of Nicaragua and Venezuela. https://www.wilsoncenter.org
About the Authors
William L. Acosta: Magna Cum Laude graduate from PWU and Universidad de Alianza. Retired police officer from New York and founder of Equalizer Private Investigations & Security Services Inc. Since 1999, he has directed investigations into narcotics, homicides, and missing persons, participating in state and federal criminal defense. An international case specialist, he has coordinated operations in North America, Europe, and Latin America.
Jesús D. Romero: Magna Cum Laude graduate from Norfolk State University. Retired officer from the U.S. Navy intelligence and Army's Intelligence Operations with 37 years of service. Worked in the defense industry with British Aerospace Systems and Booz Allen Hamilton. Commanded a unit of the Defense Intelligence Agency in Panama and oversaw operations in the Caribbean, Central America, and South America. Member and co-founder of the Miami Strategic Intelligence Institute. Bestselling author on Amazon and commentator on radio, television, and print media. Member and co-founder of the Miami Strategic Intelligence Institute think tank.
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